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THE
REVIEW OF
COMMUNICATION A Foundation for Understanding Rhetoric
and Communication in China
Jim SchnellD. Ray Heisey. Chinese Perspectives in Rhetoric
and Communication. Stamford, CT: Ablex, 2000. 297 pages. $73.25
(cloth); $34.50 (paper). This book makes a worthy attempt to fill a void in the Western understanding of rhetoric and communication in China. It is quite a task. The greatest strength that is apparent throughout the volume is that most of the authors seem to be native Chinese who are now living in the U.S. They evidence a unique ability to research and explain Chinese phenomena from Western perspectives (thus their findings are easily understandable to the Western reader). Prior to such authors, much that has been written for Western audiences about China has been from Western foreigners visiting China, doing their best to interpret Chinese phenomena from Western perspectives (I am of that number). Of particular interest is the chapter on the cultural revolution by Shaorong Huang. This significant period in 20th century China is as difficult to grasp as it is relevant. He does a fine job of explaining it to the Western mindset. It presents much substance for analysis. The book is divided into two parts: (1) Chinese Cultural and Communication Concepts and (2) Chinese Political Rhetoric. The first conveys foundation and context for understanding rhetoric and communication in China. The second rests upon the first as it explains political rhetoric in China. Part 1, Chinese Cultural and Communication Concepts, is divided into eight chapters that convey distinct orientations. Xing Lu addresses three areas: (1) identification of primary characteristics of classical Chinese rhetoric, stressing implications regarding linkage between the Chinese rhetorical tradition and contemporary communication practices, (2) the relationship between rhetorical themes and the changing face of Chinese culture, and (3) how the changing culture will perpetuate new rhetorical themes. Shijie Guan compares Sino-American thinking patterns in a manner that helps the less informed reader (regarding China) grasp fundamental differences between the Sino-American mindsets. Such fundamental differences include how the Chinese thinking pattern moves from large scale to small scale and the American pattern moves from small scale to large scale, Chinese emphasis on synthesis versus the American stress on analysis, and Chinese seeking harmony while the Americans seek dichotomy. Rita Mei-Ching Ng addresses the influence of Confucianism in areas such as power, authority, and rule of law that results in a hierarchical societal order. Her explanation of guanxi (a type of obligatory relationship) is most helpful as it exemplifies a phenomenon that is central to Chinese existence but cannot be easily translated into English. Shuming Lu provides a fairly general orientation to Chinese perspectives on communication based on his conversations with 29 respondents. At first glance, I thought his method lacked rigor but, after reading the chapter, found it to be a refreshingly simple inquiry that conveys findings with complex ramifications. The existence of official role models is common in China but not in the U.S. Mei Zhong explains this Chinese practice with numerous examples, although description of Lei Feng seemed noticeably absent. She provides excellent context for the Western reader. Lu Liu’s analysis of U.S. images in China should be most enjoyable for the U.S. reader as he shares how U.S. society is understood by mainland Chinese via images described in 31 first-person books by Chinese authors. It highlights how ethnocentrism can be a breeding ground for misunderstanding between the U.S. and China. Much has been written on the pitfalls inherent in U.S.-China joint ventures. Xuejian Yu provides insight with the possible problem area of understanding how to motivate Chinese workers. The U.S. reader can quickly recognize how the typical Chinese organizational context results in a much different approach to motivation than we are used to in the U.S. Wenshan Jia explains Chinese communication scholarship as an extension of the communication and culture paradigm. Most notable are his findings that Chinese communication research will become more indigenous (less Westernized) and that globalization will result in more bonding between U.S. and Chinese cultures. These chapters are insightful, relevant and thought provoking, but, taken together, they are not well connected. They do not address a central theme except the basic area of Chinese culture and communication. Part 2, Chinese Political Rhetoric, is composed of seven interpretations of political rhetoric in China, past and present. Each chapter provides a unique glimpse of variables that define the political landscape of modern China. Xiaoyu Xiao explains Sun Yat-sen’s cultural nationalism rhetoric in a way that illustrates Chinese cultural concepts. A key point Sun makes, according to Xiao, is that there is an inherent responsibility to help weaker groups protect themselves from stronger, more oppressive, powers in a way that expresses love of peace among all peoples. Minmin Wang uses a classical Western rhetorical framework to interpret Mao Zedong’s speaking in Yenan. Most relevant is her warning that, although Mao’s Yenan talks can be understood from a Western perspective, Western perspectives cannot always be used successfully to explain Chinese rhetoric. Wenjie Yan analyzes three of Mao’s political essays to illustrate how Mao competently developed positions using traditional Chinese values. This understanding aided Mao in his goal of refocusing loyalty to family in a way that equated with loyalty to Mao’s objectives during the cultural revolution. This provides partial foundation for the following two chapters. The cultural revolution, for most Westerners, tends to be a misunderstood and frequently overlooked period in 20th century China. I am fascinated by it. I have visited China ten times and each time I am aware how the cultural revolution is a landmark event (one frequently hears prefaces to topics “Before the cultural revolution,” “During the Cultural Revolution,” or “After the cultural revolution”). It is a complex web of events, constructs, and meanings. I find the more I learn about it the less I understand it. Shaorong Huang’s discussion of Mao’s rhetorical strategies during the cultural revolution is the best explanation of cultural revolution rhetoric, and foundations for it, I have seen. He explains the primary dynamics (from Red Guards to black files) in a concise manner that provides the reader with a framework for understanding this tumultuous period. Similarly, Guang Lu and Xiaoyu Xiao share insights with a particular aspect of the cultural revolution, Beijing Opera during that time period (1966-1976). They explain how Mao Zedong and his wife (Jiang Qing) used Revolutionary Beijing Opera to persuade listeners to support class struggle ideology. Jack Linchuan Qui addresses a more contemporary aspect of rhetoric in China, Deng Xiaoping’s rhetoric in building socialism with Chinese characteristics. His forcus on Deng’s opposition against bourgeois liberalization, as an example, is particularly insightful. The book closes with Jing Li’s investigation into the relationship between political communication and political stability. He presents a formula to be used in measurement of communicative effectiveness: E (effectiveness) = V (volume) x S (speed) x A (accuracy). From this he presents a 100-point scale for gauging the relationship between political stability and the effectiveness of political communication. The most significant shortcoming I see with the volume is that it is disjointed. There is not enough common ground among the various chapters in each of the two parts. Each chapter is well written, but the linkage among chapters is not consistent. Some chapters are written from a macro perspective while others are written from a more micro perspective. This problem is most likely associated with the book being an edited compilation of works from various authors (rather than being written by a single author). Overall, the book does fill a gap between Western and Chinese mindsets. For the most part, the West has tried to understand China by interpreting China using Western labels that best fit Chinese cultural variables. Sometimes it is quite a stretch. In spring 1989, the Western media defined the nationwide protests as a pro-democracy movement, whereas it could be argued it was really more of a movement to minimize corruption and promote fairness. The “pro-democracy” label seemed to be the most familiar label the West could assign to the phenomenon. This book signifies a move toward the Western
reader being able to learn about Chinese perspectives in rhetoric and
communication from the point of view of Chinese who are intimately
informed about Chinese and Western mindsets.
It is a welcomed movement toward enhanced understanding. Jim Schnell is a Professor of Communication Studies at Ohio Dominican College, Columbus, Ohio.
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